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    This page is about a range of ideas in philosophy. For political, see the Polcompball Wiki


    "My principles are only those that, before the French Revolution, every well-born person considered sane and normal."

    Julius Evola

    Counter-Enlightement is a set of positions and movements that emerged during the European Enlightenment in opposition to its dominant ideals. Spanning from the 18th century into the early 19th century, especially with the rise of Romanticism, these thinkers did not adhere to a single doctrine but instead critiqued various Enlightenment beliefs, such as the notions of progress, universal rationality, liberal democracy, and increasing secularism.

    Beliefs[edit | edit source]

    The "Sturm und Drang" movement began in Germany, challenging key aspects of the Enlightenment and introducing the term "Romanticism." Early Romantic writers like Chateaubriand, Novalis (Friedrich von Hardenberg), and Samuel Taylor Coleridge were critical of the Enlightenment, blaming its proponents for devaluing beauty, spirit, and history, and for portraying humanity as mechanical and the universe as meaningless. They were particularly concerned with the Enlightenment's perceived anti-religious stance, as many Enlightenment thinkers were deists who opposed revealed religion. Some historians, such as Hamann, suggest that the Romantic writers' view of the Enlightenment as hostile to religion was shared by their conservative Counter-Revolutionary predecessors.

    Historian Jacques Barzun argues that Romanticism actually has roots in the Enlightenment and sought to balance rationality with intuition and justice. This perspective is reflected in Goya's "The Sleep of Reason Produces Monsters," where even a rational critic is inspired by irrational dreams. Marshall Brown similarly questions the clear-cut opposition between Romanticism and the Enlightenment.

    Variants[edit | edit source]

    Conservatism[edit | edit source]

    Conservatism is a social philosophy and political ideology. Conservatives want to preserve values like traditions, religion, state, nation, hierarchy and authority above values promoted by liberalism and enlightenment, like freedom and equality. Conservatism also favors a stable and collective progress of society, in contrast to more radical forms of ideological progressivism.

    Traditions[edit | edit source]

    Despite variations in definition, conservatism generally values certain common themes. Michael Oakeshott describes conservatism as preferring the familiar over the unknown, the tried over the untried, and facts over mysteries. It favors the actual over the possible, limits over boundlessness, and the present over the distant future. This traditionalism reflects trust in proven methods of social organization, often giving weight to past generations' experiences. Traditions also contribute to a sense of identity.

    Hierarchy[edit | edit source]

    Some left-wing thinkers, like Corey Robin, define conservatism differently, seeing it as defending social and economic inequality rather than upholding traditional institutions. They view conservatism as a response to feeling threatened and trying to regain power. However, conservatism also fears the corruption that can come from established hierarchies. Some conservative communities value social hierarchies, giving importance to factors like age and wisdom. Conservatives may admire hierarchies, believing they're essential for order, as expressed by philosopher Nicolás Gómez Dávila's saying: "Hierarchies are celestial. In hell all are equal." The term "hierarchy" has religious origins, meaning "rule of a high priest."

    Realism[edit | edit source]

    Conservatism sees human imperfection as a fundamental belief. It's skeptical about improving human nature through idealistic plans. Thomas Hobbes, considered a key figure for conservative thought, described human nature as harsh and short-lived, suggesting a need for strong central authority.

    Authority[edit | edit source]

    Conservatism values authority, particularly traditional authority. This kind of authority is based on longstanding traditions and the legitimacy of those in power. There are two types: the authority of fathers and the authority of masters, like priests, monarchs, aristocrats, and military leaders. The decline of traditional authority is linked to the disappearance of old institutions like guilds and families, which used to connect individuals and the state. This decline is seen as a crisis for modern society, as traditional authorities are essential for maintaining a stable civilization.

    Reactionism[edit | edit source]

    Reactionism in right-wing politics opposes social changes and favors maintaining the status quo. It's often associated with conservative views that resist social, political, and economic transformations. Some conservatives seek to return to past traditions rather than embracing change. While some see "reactionary" and "conservative" as similar, others argue they're different. Reactionaries may idealize past societies and values, like German Romanticism did with medievalism. Being labeled a reactionary is typically seen negatively. However, some writers, like Julius Evola and John Lukacs, have embraced the term.

    Reactionarism[edit | edit source]

    Reactionaryism, also known as Reactionary or Counterrevolutionary, is a philosophy that advocates for the restoration or preservation of traditional social, political, and economic systems. It is characterized by a rejection of progressive or liberal ideas and a belief that society has become too modern or innovative. Reactionaries argue that traditional values, such as order, tradition, and immaterialism; have been undermined or lost in modern society, and that a return to these values is necessary to restore social cohesion and stability. They also often argue that the Enlightenment, and the ideas and values associated with it, such as reason, individualism, and democracy; have had negative consequences for society, and that a return to pre-Enlightenment ways of thinking is needed.

    Reactionaries have a nostalgic view of the past and romanticize or idealize certain historical periods or social structures. They are hostile to social and cultural changes, such as the rise of secularism, gender equality, and the decline of traditional religions or cultural practices.

    Conservative Revolution[edit | edit source]

    Conservative Revolution is a movement in Germany and Austria between World War I and the rise of the Nazis. Its members wanted to change society, but they disagreed on how. They rejected traditional Christian values, equality, democracy, and modern culture. Instead, they admired ideas from the past, like Friedrich Nietzsche's views, German Romanticism, and Prussian nationalism. They also drew from their experiences in World War I.

    Their connection to Nazism was complex. Some saw them as a step towards fascism, but they were not the same. They didn't all believe in Nazi ideas about race. While they helped pave the way for the Nazis, they didn't have much influence on them. When the Nazis took over, most Conservative Revolutionaries were either killed or rejected the Nazi regime.

    Later, their ideas influenced movements like the European New Right, which includes groups like the French Nouvelle Droite and German Neue Rechte. These ideas are still influential today, shaping movements like the European Identitarian movement.

    New Nationalism and Morality[edit | edit source]

    Conservative Revolutionaries believed their nationalism differed significantly from previous forms of German nationalism and conservatism. They criticized traditional Wilhelmine conservatives for being reactionary and failing to grasp modern concepts like technology, urbanization, and the working class.

    Moeller van den Bruck described Conservative Revolution as preserving values inseparable from the Volk (ethnic group), which endure through time due to adaptations in their institutional and ideal forms. Unlike pure reactionaries or revolutionaries, Conservative Revolutionaries aimed to shape eternal values to ensure their survival amid historical changes. Edgar Jung rejected the notion that true conservatives aimed to halt progress. They sought a chivalric way of life guided by innate morality rather than a conscious moral code. Conservative revolutionaries aimed to restore natural laws and values within the modern world.

    Influenced by Nietzsche, many rejected Christian ethics of solidarity and equality, viewing them as oppressive to the strong. They advocated for nations to prioritize self-interest over moral standards in geopolitics. Völkischen, influenced by racialist and occultist beliefs, opposed Christianity and sought a return to Germanic pagan faith or the adaptation of Christianity to remove foreign influences.

    Volksgemeinschaft and Dictatorship[edit | edit source]

    Thomas Mann believed that German resistance during World War I was stronger militarily than spiritually because the German essence couldn't easily express itself verbally, making it difficult to counter Western rhetoric effectively. He argued that German culture was deeply rooted in the soul and thus authoritarian rule was natural for Germans, as politics and democracy were seen as foreign to their spirit. Mann's ideas influenced Conservative Revolutionaries, although he later defended the Weimar Republic and criticized figures associated with the movement.

    Carl Schmitt, in his essay "The Dictatorship," praised the power given to the president in the Weimar Republic to declare a state of emergency, which he saw as essential for effective governance. He argued that in a democratic state, any deviation from democratic principles could be considered dictatorship. Schmitt further proposed that sovereignty necessitated the ability to declare a state of emergency, allowing for swift decisions outside of parliamentary procedures. He later used this argument to justify Hitler's actions during the Night of the Long Knives, stating, "The leader defends the law."

    Front-Line Socialism[edit | edit source]

    Conservative Revolutionaries rejected the idea of being driven by class struggle resentment and instead looked to the camaraderie of World War I for inspiration, envisioning a national community beyond traditional political divides. They aimed to redefine revolution, associating it with the unity of the war's beginning rather than the turmoil of November 1918.

    They agreed with socialists on curtailing capitalism's excesses, advocating for controlled capitalism and closer collaboration between workers and employers. Their critique of capitalism stemmed from its wartime profits, inflation, and their own middle-class background, feeling squeezed between ruling capitalists and the masses.

    While they dismissed communism as idealistic, they borrowed Marxist terminology, such as the inevitability of conservatism replacing liberalism, reflecting a historical materialist view. Influenced by vitalism and irrationalism, they believed in life's dominance over reason, contrasting with Marxist optimism. Some, like Ernst Niekisch, advocated National Bolshevism, blending ultra-nationalist socialism with anti-Western sentiments, even willing to align with German communists and the Soviet Union to combat the capitalist West.


    Benoistianism[edit | edit source]

    Benoistianism is a theory created by french philosopher Alain de Benoist - a French philosopher and political thinker known for his contributions to the Nouvelle Droite movement and his exploration of traditionalism, ethnonationalism, and cultural identity.

    Burkeanism[edit | edit source]

    Bonaldism[edit | edit source]

    Bonaldism is a philosophy of French philosopher Louis Gabriel Ambroise, vicomte de Bonald.

    Chestertonism[edit | edit source]

    Chestertonism is a philosophy of Gilbert Keith Chesterton.

    De Maistreanism[edit | edit source]

    De Maistreanism is the philosophy of Savoyard philosopher, Joseph de Maistre. De Maistre is considered a key figure in counter-enlightenment thought and a major influence on reactionary philosophy. He is known for his critiques of The Enlightenment and The French Revolution. He considered monarchy both as a divinely sanctioned institution and as the only stable form of government and blamimg the rationalist rejection of Christianity as responsible for the disorder and bloodshed which followed the French Revolution.

    Carlyleanism[edit | edit source]

    Carlyleanism is a thought of Scottish philosopher, essayist and historician Thomas Carlyle.

    Donosismo[edit | edit source]

    Donosismo is the thought of Juan Donoso Cortés. A politician and student of ethics, he is the main representative of the Neocatholic and Ultramontanist movements' opposition to liberalism and socialism in Spain.

    Duginism[edit | edit source]

    Duginism is the political philosophy of Aleksandr Dugin. Dugin advocates for the creation of a geopolitical entity known as Eurasia, which would encompass Russia and its neighboring countries. He sees Eurasia as a distinct civilization with its own values and interests, separate from both Europe and Asia and promotes a return to traditional cultural and religious values, often emphasizing the importance of Orthodox Christianity in Russian society, using it as a bulwark against the perceived decadence of Western modernity.

    Ideology[edit | edit source]

    Dugin opposes liberalism and US dominance, aligning himself with Stalin and the Soviet Union. He identifies as a conservative, advocating for a strong state, order, traditional family values, and the promotion of religion and the Church in society. He calls for media and experts to prioritize national interests.

    Political scientist Marlène Laruelle characterizes Dugin's ideology as a fusion of various far-right traditions, including Esoteric Nazism, Traditionalism, the German Conservative Revolution, and the European New Right. Dugin borrows from Martin Heidegger's concept of Dasein and interprets it geo-philosophically. He sees Western liberal capitalism as embodying hubris, opposing a heavenly ideal. He contrasts the West's individualistic universalism with an imperial universalism, rejecting Western values like democracy and human rights as uniquely Western.

    Eurasianism[edit | edit source]

    Dugin proposes the idea of a "Euro-Asian empire" to counter the dominance of the US-led Western world. He was involved in ultranationalist groups like the National Bolshevik Party and the Eurasia Party, aiming to unite Russian-speaking peoples into one country. Some critics label his views as fascist.

    In the early 1990s, Dugin studied the works of Herman Wirth, a controversial Dutch thinker, and promoted his ideas as a basis for Eurasianism. He also engaged in geopolitical and esoteric research, collaborating with various international groups. Dugin's vision includes forming alliances such as a Turkic–Slavic alliance and a Russo-Arab alliance. He envisions a new anti-American revolution, advocating for the rejection of liberal values and strategic control away from the USA.

    Dugin's ideas have gained attention in nationalist circles, with some linking his ideology to the Traditionalist School. He has been invited to speak at events like the Kremlin's Anti-Orange Rally, where he warns against the perceived threat of the global American empire to Russia's independence and urges unity against external control.

    Russian Orthodoxy[edit | edit source]

    Dugin was baptized in the Russian Orthodox Church at age six by his great-grandmother. In 1999, he formally joined a group called the Old Believers, who reject certain reforms made by the official Russian Orthodox Church in the 1600s. His Eurasian philosophy is influenced by Traditional Integralism, Nouvelle Droite, and Neopaganism, particularly Slavic Native Faith like Anastasianism and Ynglism. Dugin's ideas also draw from Hermetic, Gnostic, and Eastern traditions, advocating for the use of "Eastern theology and mystical currents" in his Fourth Political Theory.

    Marlene Laruelle suggests that Dugin's affiliation with the Old Believers allows him to navigate between Paganism and Orthodox Christianity. He sees Russian Orthodoxy, especially among the Old Believers, as preserving an esoteric character lost in Western Christianity. This enables a merging of Russian Orthodox tradition with Neopaganism, providing a nationalist anchor rooted in Russian culture.

    Jüngerism[edit | edit source]

    Jüngerism is the philosophy associated with the philosopher, soldier and writer Ernst Jünger, famous soldier of the First World War who developed a successful writing career where he mixed his nationalist, conservative, anti-democratic and militarist ideas.

    The Anarch[edit | edit source]

    Petersonism[edit | edit source]

    Petersonism is the philosophical framework developed by Jordan B. Peterson. One of his core beliefs/contributions to philosophy, is we need to walk the line between order and chaos. Chaos is the archetypical feminine and order is the archetypal masculine. He also critiqued post-modernism, CRT, and some other ideas that the modern age has brought to the table.

    Order and Chaos[edit | edit source]

    A fundamental concept in Jordan Peterson's philosophy is the interplay between order and chaos. In archetypal terms, order is often associated with masculinity, while chaos is associated with femininity. This is because the feminine is the birthplace of things, such as the birthplace of a child. The father is the patriarchy in a metaphorical sence which is order. He says the optimal position between order and chaos produces engagement and meaning. Like a dance or play, where you aren't too terrified but aren't too allay. His explanation of the physiological aspect goes as such: we have two hemispheres of the brain, the left is used for the things we know, and the right for the things we don't know. The dance between order and chaos focuses on the part of the exploratory brain which activates the dopamine circuit.

    Personal responsibility[edit | edit source]

    Personal responsibility to Jordan Peterson is what gives life meaning

    Mythology and Archetypes[edit | edit source]

    > yin yang represents the bit of chaos in order and the bit of order in chaos

    He draws inspiration from texts like the Bible, such as Matthew 7:13, which states, "Enter through the narrow gate; for the gate is wide and the road broad that leads to destruction, and those who enter through it are many" (USCOCC). He describes this as the line between chaos and order. Striding too far in a chaotic direction can lead to chaos and destruction, just as striding too far in the order direction will cause the system to rot and corrode away

    Schmittianism[edit | edit source]

    Schmittianism refers to the political and legal theories associated with the German jurist and political theorist Carl Schmitt. Carl Schmitt was a prominent figure in political thought during the early to mid-20th century. His ideas are characterized by a focus on concepts such as sovereignty, the state, and the nature of political authority.

    State of exception[edit | edit source]

    Carl Schmitt's concept of the "State of Exception" is a key element of his political theory, notably articulated in works like "Political Theology" (1922) and "The Concept of the Political" (1932). At its core, the state of exception represents the sovereign's authority to suspend the normal legal order during times of crisis or emergency.

    Schmitt contends that the sovereign, typically the political leader or governing body, possesses the power to declare a state of exception. This declaration involves the temporary suspension of established legal norms and the assumption of extraordinary powers to address a perceived threat to the political order. According to Schmitt, this decision to suspend the rule of law and operate outside the usual legal constraints is a defining characteristic of sovereign authority.

    In the state of exception, the sovereign is not bound by the existing legal and constitutional frameworks. Instead, they can take exceptional measures that might be deemed unacceptable or even illegal in normal circumstances. Schmitt argues that the ability to make such decisions and assert exceptional authority is inherent in the concept of sovereignty.

    Friend-Enemy distinction[edit | edit source]

    Schmitt's Friend-Enemy distinction is a concept introduced in his work "The Concept of the Political" (1932). According to Schmitt, the essence of politics is encapsulated in the ability of a group or political entity to discern and categorize others as either friends or enemies.

    Schmitt contends that the emergence of the "political" occurs when a collective is willing to confront and, if necessary, engage in conflict with another group that is perceived as a genuine threat or adversary. This distinction is not grounded in personal sentiments or individual relationships; rather, it is a collective and existential categorization that transcends individual feelings.

    In Schmitt's conceptualization, the state, as the ultimate political authority, assumes the responsibility of making this Friend-Enemy distinction. The state is tasked with identifying potential threats to its constituents and is expected to take measures to protect its citizens from perceived enemies. This delineation, according to Schmitt, is crucial for the preservation of political order and the integrity of the state.

    Sovereignty as a "borderline concept"[edit | edit source]

    Schmitt delves into the nature of political authority, asserting that at its core, sovereignty is not merely a legal or constitutional principle but a dynamic force entailing the power to determine the exception. In other words, the sovereign authority possesses the prerogative to decide when the normal legal order can be suspended or overridden, especially in situations deemed as states of emergency.

    The notion of sovereignty as a "borderline concept" carries profound implications for understanding the relationship between law, politics, and authority. Schmitt contends that the essence of sovereignty lies in the ability to draw a boundary between the ordinary functioning of the legal system and the extraordinary circumstances that demand the suspension of regular legal norms. This boundary, the "borderline," becomes the locus of the sovereign's decision-making power, a decisive act that shapes the trajectory of political order.

    Schmitt's emphasis on the exception as a central aspect of sovereignty underscores the idea that political authority is not merely a set of static rules but a living, evolving force that responds to existential threats. The sovereign, in Schmitt's view, stands as the ultimate arbiter capable of transcending legal and constitutional constraints when the need arises. This perspective raises questions about the nature of power, the rule of law, and the ethical considerations surrounding the exercise of authority in critical situations.

    Legality-Legitimacy Distinction[edit | edit source]

    Legality, as articulated by Schmitt, encompasses the adherence to formal procedures and legal norms by a governing entity. It represents the structured, procedural aspect of governance, where actions are executed in accordance with established legal frameworks. This facet of legality is concerned with the institutional and procedural correctness of governmental actions, emphasizing the importance of adherence to established rules and regulations.

    In contrast, legitimacy extends beyond the realm of formal legality, encapsulating the subjective acceptance and recognition of authority by the governed. Legitimacy revolves around the notion that a government or ruler possesses the rightful claim to authority, and this entitlement is often rooted in historical traditions, popular support, or some other source of perceived authority. While legality focuses on the formalities of governance, legitimacy delves into the broader societal perception and acceptance of the ruling authority.

    Schmittian Political Theology[edit | edit source]

    Schmitt's concept of Political Theology is the interplay between political and theological elements within the framework of sovereignty and authority. Fundamentally, Political Theology explores the notion that political power is inherently connected to theological considerations. Schmitt posits that sovereign authority, whether embodied by an individual leader or a collective state, bears a resemblance to a secularized form of divine authority. This interweaving of the political and the theological becomes particularly pronounced in times of crisis, where the decision-making power of the sovereign assumes not only a political nature but also acquires quasi-religious significance.

    A pivotal element of Schmitt's analysis revolves around the concept of the "state of exception." During crises or emergencies, the sovereign is granted extraordinary powers to make decisions and suspend regular legal and constitutional processes. Schmitt argues that this state of exception is a manifestation of the sovereign's authority, akin to the divine power to transcend and suspend the ordinary order of things. Consequently, Political Theology offers a conceptual framework for comprehending how the political sphere can adopt a quasi-religious character during critical junctures.

    Furthermore, Schmitt extends his analysis to the question of legitimacy and the foundations of political order. He asserts that the legitimacy of political authority ultimately rests on a theological foundation, even in ostensibly secular societies. This challenges the idea of a strict separation between church and state and prompts a reassessment of the secularization thesis. According to Schmitt, the secular state is not truly devoid of theological underpinnings but operates within a framework deeply influenced by theological concepts.

    Spenglerism[edit | edit source]

    Spenglerism is a revolutionary conservative philosophy of Oswald Spengler. It rejected both liberalism and marxism as Spengler had considered them to be both based on the english spirit which was opposed to the german spirit. Spengler advocated that both german conservatives and german (non-communist) socialist must cooperate against the weimar republic. Spengler also advocated for a new system which can be summarized as a socialist-corporatist nationalist-militarist state under an authoritarian Prussian monarchy.

    Cultures and Civilizations[edit | edit source]

    Spengler's historical philosophy is based on two ideas: first, that human history is shaped by large social entities called "Cultures," each with its own unique characteristics; and second, that the evolution of these Cultures resembles the life cycle of living beings.

    He identified nine Cultures, including Ancient Egyptian, Babylonian, Indian, Chinese, and Western (or "Faustian"). According to Spengler, each Culture has its own distinct identity and develops in stages like a person's life, from childhood to old age. When a Culture reaches its later stages, it becomes a "Civilization," marked by technology and mass society. Spengler believed that human history is not linear but consists of the interactions between these Cultures, each with its own unique worldview and destiny. He saw modern society as a "Civilization" in decline, characterized by technology and imperialism.

    Although Spengler's ideas were criticized for being obscure and mystical, they influenced later thinkers like Eduard Meyer and Ludwig Wittgenstein. His work laid the foundation for social cycle theory, which explores the recurring patterns in human history.

    Pseudomorphosis[edit | edit source]

    Spengler talks about pseudomorphosis, a concept borrowed from mineralogy, to describe when a young culture can't fully develop because it's stuck in the mold of an older one. This leads to resentment and hatred towards the older culture.

    He believed this happened with the Arabian culture after it lost to Rome at the Battle of Actium, and later with Russia under Peter the Great, who forced Western European norms onto Russia. Spengler thought this hindered Russia's cultural growth, leading to resentment towards Europe. He predicted a new culture emerging in Russia, hinted at by authors like Tolstoy and Dostoyevsky.

    Becoming and Being[edit | edit source]

    For Spengler, change is fundamental, not stability. He believed that life and growth are where divine influence is found, not in permanence. Spengler's philosophy can be summed up by lines from Goethe, emphasizing the importance of embracing change and growth to understand the divine.

    Blood and Race[edit | edit source]

    Spengler believed that blood, or life-force, was the only force strong enough to challenge and overthrow money, which he saw as the dominant power of his time. When he spoke of blood, he didn't mean ethnicity, but rather the unity of people in their outlook and purpose. He saw the struggle against money as not just about capitalism versus socialism, but about creating a powerful societal order based on duty and thoughtfulness. Spengler emphasized that life itself, the force of existence, is what ultimately triumphs over money and any artificial constructs of the mind.

    Democracy, Media and Money[edit | edit source]

    Spengler argued that democracy serves the interests of money, with the media acting as its tool to operate within democratic systems. He saw democracy and plutocracy as interchangeable, viewing principles like equality and freedom as disguises for class struggle. To him, freedom meant rejecting tradition, and he believed that the press and elections ultimately served money's interests, regardless of ideological rhetoric. In Spengler's view, money had already triumphed through democracy, but its dominance would pave the way for the emergence of a powerful leader he called the Caesar. This leader would render money less influential, leading to the decline of money-dominated politics.

    He noted that constitutional rights and voting required money, and when elections were controlled by political leaders, money determined their significance. Spengler saw this concentration of wealth as a natural consequence of mature democracies, not as corruption. Regarding the media, Spengler criticized its bombardment of information and its role in shaping public opinion to serve money's interests. He believed universal education fueled the demand for media control, ultimately leading to the rise of authoritarian leaders. He argued that only a force like blood, not Marxist critiques, could counter the power of money.

    Prussian Socialism[edit | edit source]

    Spengler argued that Germany, particularly Prussia, possessed socialist traits like creativity, discipline, concern for the common good, productivity, and self-sacrifice. He saw socialism as a system where achievement and talent, not wealth, determine one's rank in society, freeing individuals from economic tyranny.

    He urged Germans to embrace Prussian socialism to break free from foreign governance, advocating for a socialism based on German values rather than Marxist ideology. Spengler contrasted English capitalism with Prussian socialism, highlighting the latter's emphasis on hierarchy and obedience rather than wealth accumulation. He praised historical figures like Frederick William I and Otto von Bismarck for embodying Prussian socialism through their emphasis on military discipline and social policies that complemented conservatism.

    True Socialism[edit | edit source]

    Spengler criticized Marxism for misunderstanding German socialism and adopting British ideas. He believed that Marxism aimed to have the working class seize wealth from capitalists to live a life of ease, calling it "the capitalism of the working class."

    Instead, Spengler argued for a "true socialism" rooted in German values, where ownership wouldn't be forcibly taken but managed differently. He advocated for a system where ownership remains, but control shifts to public administration while preserving individual initiative and responsibility. This, he believed, would lead to a gradual transformation of workers and employers into economic functionaries within a corporatist framework, without traditional political parties or fixed-term elections.

    Maurrassisme[edit | edit source]

    Maurrassisme is a philosophy of French philosopher Charles Maurras.

    Tocquevilleanism[edit | edit source]

    Tocquevilleanism is the philosophy of French political philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville.

    Symbolics[edit | edit source]

    Relationships[edit | edit source]

    Friends[edit | edit source]

    • Nietzscheanism - Follow the irrationalist critique of Enlightenment and modernity.
    • Stirnerism - Has a very good understanding of self.
    • Taoism Buddhism - Some of my theorists have been influenced by you and like you very much.

    Frenemies[edit | edit source]

    • Marxism - Some of my theorists have a different understanding of you and consider you one of us. However, you are still a product of the Enlightenment.
    • Traditionalist School - Based and Redpilled! Thought not all your theorists share my cultural aspect completely, only my critique of the Enlightenment...

    Enemies[edit | edit source]

    • THE MOB - GOD DANM YOU MOB, GET OUT OF THERE!
    • Continuation of the French Revolution - What "progressive emperor" are you, you just a continuation of that mob that slaughtered more nobles and local peasants and even destroyed the feudal system in Europe!
    • Rousseauism - Go back to your "Man is born free, and everywhere he's in chains." theory, you monster.
    • Humanism - A group of people without virtue.
    • Nationalism - The stupid mob's favorite form of mutual harm, "community identity"? Play with your junk!

    Further Information[edit | edit source]

    Wikipedia[edit | edit source]

    Theoreticians[edit | edit source]

    Literature[edit | edit source]

    • WIP

    Websites[edit | edit source]

    • WIP

    Videos[edit | edit source]

    Channels[edit | edit source]

    1. Dugin has denounced nationalism as "bourgious", "liberal" and "anti-traditional". He has called himself a patriot. Dugin's understanding of nationalism is that it is a western bourgeois capitalist phenomenon and it is the first stage of capitalism. He believes that nationalism is artificial and it does not follow the creation of a nation, but rather it creates a nation. He believes that unlike a people or an ethnos, a “nation” is a political and artificial concept, created for pragmatic purposes by bourgeois ideologists, when it was necessary to hold society together after it rejected the tradition - religious, class and hierarchical (imperial). It invents ancient roots for specific, distinct groups of historical people, it imposes a single language, single cultural code and a common system of law, and it invents a common enemy. According to him nationalism is anti-traditional and modernist. He sees it as fundamentally connected with modernity, and as such with atomization, capitalism, western notion of progress, modernist citizenship, secularity, abolition of estates and the destruction of rural communities in favor of urban crowds. In contrast to the modern national state Dugin prefers the traditional system of an Empire.
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